{"id":67567,"date":"2013-01-13T19:19:57","date_gmt":"2013-01-13T18:19:57","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.visit-ulcinj.com\/blog\/?p=67567"},"modified":"2013-01-13T19:24:09","modified_gmt":"2013-01-13T18:24:09","slug":"multiculturalism-in-montenegro-and-the-city-of-ulcinj","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.visit-ulcinj.com\/blog\/2013\/01\/13\/multiculturalism-in-montenegro-and-the-city-of-ulcinj\/","title":{"rendered":"MULTICULTURALISM IN MONTENEGRO AND THE CITY OF ULCINJ"},"content":{"rendered":"

FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA
\nMULTICULTURALISM IN MONTENEGRO AND THE CITY OF ULCINJ
\nJovan Nikolaidis<\/strong><\/p>\n

1. Introduction
\nThroughout the former Yugoslavia, the last decade has clearly exposed mistakes
\ncommitted in the processes of regulating interethnic relations during the communist
\nperiod. All that was done in respect to the issue of cultural plurality in the former
\nYugoslavia was expressed in the demagogical slogan \u201cbrotherhood and unity\u201d\u2014the
\nideological matrix of the totalitarian system. Concepts of tolerance and coexistence have
\nbeen stunted by legacies of war, violence and fear. It is precisely due to these tragic
\ncircumstances that an imperative need to overcome the contemporary situation has
\nemerged. Any thorough sociopolitical reform within the republics of the former Yugoslavia
\nmust be based on their multicultural character. When the previous state disappeared it
\nleft behind a region in desperate need of international intervention. A long and complex
\nprocess has unfolded involving Euro-American intentions to help us in the process of
\ndevelopment and our readiness to accept this help. Helpful contributions to the process
\nhave been made by certain democratic political groups, numerous NGOs and a number
\nof intellectuals who, although at times are a bit disoriented, significantly assist the
\ndevelopment of respect for diversity.
\n2. The Multiculturality of Montenegro
\n2.1. Basic Data on Montenegro
\nWhere does Montenegro stand in relation to efforts aimed at peacemaking and the
\ndemocratization of the states of the former Yugoslavia? Does European and American
\nofficial confirmation that the democratization of Montenegro presents a positive example
\nto its neighbors have political validity, or is it merely propaganda? Does Montenegro\u2019s
\nwillingness to accommodate the diversity of cultures, ethnic groups and religions present
\nvalid evidence of a resolute intention to democratize, or is it just a guise for a new ideology
\nthat is growing within volatile developments in this small country? Does Montenegro\u2019s
\nleadership have the vision and strength to confront numerous internal problems and the
\nchallenges of undefined relations with neighboring states? Finally, is Montenegro capable
\nof resisting the attempts of Milosevic\u2019s regime to obstruct the democratization process?
\nUnfortunately, there is no clear answer to these questions. Therefore, this paper will only
\n447
\ntry to present and analyze the multicultural and democratic character of contemporary
\nMontenegro.
\nMontenegro is one of the oldest states in the Balkan region. It was the smallest and least
\ndeveloped republic within the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY).
\nToday, Montenegro is a federal unit within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY). The
\nmajority population consists of Montenegrins (615,035 or 61.86%), a specific ethnic group
\nof South Slavs. The other groups of Montenegro are Serbs (57,453 or 9.34%), Bosniak-
\nMuslims (89,614 or 14.57%), Albanians (40,415 or 6.57%), Croats and others (the data
\noriginate from the 1991 census as published in the Statisti\u00bdki Godi\u00b9njak Crne Gore 1992).
\nIn 1918, in accordance with decisions of the Podgorica Parliament, the statehood of
\nMontenegro was transferred to the newly established state of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia.
\nThe Kingdom of Montenegro was abolished and its king, Nikola Petrovic I, was removed
\nfrom power. From that time until after the end of World War II, Montenegro was simply
\na region in Serbia. In 1945 the Communist authority gave it the status of a state once more,
\ni.e., that of a federal unit within the Federal People\u2019s Republic of Yugoslavia where it had
\nequal status as one of six member states until the fall of the Socialist Federal Republic of
\nYugoslavia. After the dissolution of the SFRY and in accordance with the 1992 Constitution
\nof the new federal state, Montenegro\u2019s statehood was transferred into a federal configuration
\nwithin the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, consisting of Serbia and Montenegro. As to the
\nrelation of Montenegro to Serbia within the union, there is a multiplicity of political views,
\nranging from separatism to a total acceptance of unity. The eventual possibility of a new
\nand different type of union has yet to be defined. There are many options and only the
\nfuture will resolve the complex and uncertain relations between Montenegro, Serbia and
\nKosovo. Will FRY survive? Will it survive with or without Kosovo? Is there a possibility for
\nthe future union of Montenegro and Serbia without Kosovo? Will Kosovo become an
\nindependent state? Will Montenegro, following historical and political precedents, also
\ngain independence? Will Serbia, which is threatened by civil war, end up fragmented into
\nregions (Vojvodina, Sandzak, Serbia proper)? And, finally, how do multicultural issues
\nrelate to these processes?
\n2.2. Reforms for the Improvement of Ethnic Equality
\nDuring the last two years, Montenegro has found alternative solutions and hope for the
\nstabilization of multicultural democracy. After the parliamentary and presidential elections
\n(held in the first half of 1998) there was visible improvement in relations between different
\nnationalities and religions in Montenegro. Even before the elections all parliamentary
\nparties, including a Muslim party and two Albanian parties, signed a memorandum of
\ncooperation. The coalition Da \u00c3ivimo bolje (To Live Better), consisting of the Democratic
\nParty of Socialists (DPS)\u2014the strongest party in Montenegro\u2014the People\u2019s Party and the
\nSocial Democratic party, won the elections. The president of DPS, Milo Djukanovic, became
\nthe president of Montenegro. In addition to expressing his commitment to democratization
\nand the good of Montenegro, Mr. Djukanovic emphasized that he wanted to be a president
\nof all citizens. It is noteworthy that he gained minority votes, especially from Bosniak-
\nMuslims and Albanians.<\/p>\n

448 MANAGING MULTIETHNIC COEXISTENCE
\nFEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA<\/p>\n

Additional improvements have also been achieved in the fields of administrative reform,
\nthe constitution, the restructuring of specific services and the development of the local
\ngovernment. In the city of Ulcinj, where Albanians are the majority population, two
\nnational Albanian parties, the Democratic Union of Albanians in Montenegro and the
\nDemocratic Union of Albanians, have won local elections. Bosniak-Muslim, Albanian and
\nCroatian representatives participate significantly in the government of Montenegro.
\nMembers of the Albanian population have been appointed to the governmental positions
\nof Minority Rights Minister, Deputy to the Minority Rights Minister, Deputy Minister of
\nEducation and Deputy of the Secretary of Information. The Minister of Internal Affairs
\nsimplified procedures in order to hire a significant number of Albanians to posts within
\nthe police force (previously almost totally without Albanians), such as patrolmen, traffic
\npolicemen, investigators, special services officers, etc. In the city of Ulcinj the post of Chief
\nof the Internal Affairs Ministry is filled by an Albanian. Bosniak-Muslims have also been
\nappointed to governmental posts such as Minister of Trade, Minister of Transportation
\nand Communication and Vice President of the Parliament.
\nThe ethnic structure within other governing bodies in Montenegro is satisfactory,
\nespecially considering the previous situation where there was a ruling oligarchy consisting
\nalmost entirely of members of one ethnic group. However, reforms have only begun. The
\nescalation of violence in neighboring states has had harsh ramifications, which have put
\nadditional pressure on minorities, giving further reasons why additional efforts in affirming
\nminority rights and human rights in general should be expected. In addition to other
\nreforms, significant changes in the fields of education and culture should be expected.
\nThis entails a revision of school curricula as well as the promotion of democratic principles
\nof cultural openness. We believe that Montenegro will soon develop from a stage of
\npromising proto-democratic transition into a functioning democracy. Montenegro needs
\nto develop as a multinational, multidenominational and multicultural state with a strong
\ncivil society. The people who inhabit it belong to different ethnic groups, and all of them
\nshould consider this state as their own homeland. There is a noticeable trend in viewing
\na state as such, and we should do everything to entirely realize this and make it a rule
\nrather than exception. Contemporary developments in interethnic relations in Montenegro
\nare geared toward this goal. Despite the many obstacles, prejudices and ill-willed
\nindividuals and groups inspired by dark visions and desires of exclusivity, the process of
\nhealing has begun and the therapy needs to be completed.
\n2.3. The Good Practice and Tradition
\nMontenegro has a long and positive tradition of relations between diverse ethnic and
\nreligious groups. It is particularly interesting to observe and analyze relations between
\nMontenegrins and Albanians, their emotional and cultural and societal similarity, the
\ncomparability of their tribal traditions and their historical ties. Marko Miljanov Popovic,
\nthe famous hero and duke of the nineteenth century, collected many positive examples
\nof Albanian-Montenegrin relations. The members of the Montenegrin clan, Ku\u00bdi, despite
\ntaking up radical Serbian nationalism in recent years, have a tale in their tradition about
\ntheir common ancestry with the Malisorian (Albanian) tribe of Kastrati and their mutually
\nMULTICULTURALISM IN MONTENEGRO AND THE CITY OF ULCINJ 449
\nentangled destinies that span centuries.1 Miljanov\u2019s records contain a variety of valuable
\nexamples of tolerance between Slovenes and Illyrians. Though he always used \u201cSerbian\u201d
\nto refer to Serbs and Montenegrins because he considered Serbia and Montenegro to be
\nthe same, Miljanov wrote in The Tribe of Ku\u00bdi in Folk Stories and Songs the following lines:
\n\u201cThat people [Albanians] has such love for the tribe of Ku\u00bdi, that I would not believe it
\nhad I not seen it with my own eyes.\u201d
\nUntil the beginning of the last decade, the citizens of Montenegro did not consider
\nintermarriage between Montenegrins and Melusians (Albanians) to be out of the ordinary.
\nThe members of the Albanian \u00c5estani tribe (Catholics from the regions around Lake Skadar,
\nKrajina, Mozura and western villages in the area of Ulcinj and Bar) have a long history of
\nintermarriage with Montenegrins. To a lesser degree this is also the case for the Malisors
\ntribe (a rather large group of Albanian Catholics). Though such pairings are not as
\ncustomary as for the \u00c5estani clan, they are solid marriages that oblige friendship between
\nMontenegrins and Albanians. Marriages between Muslims and Orthodox are no rarity in
\nMontenegro and are accompanied by the strengthening of family ties and friendship. After
\n1992 this trend subsided as interethnic divisions grew, mostly due to the rise of Serbian
\nnationalism. It is worth mentioning that the rise of Serbian nationalism\u2014in the context
\nof which particular Montenegrin clans were described as \u201cold Serbian tribes\u201d and national
\ntolerance was presented as a betrayal of \u201cnational interests\u201d\u2014has, for the most part, been
\nquelled.
\nAn example shows how the culture of tolerance can contribute to overcoming religious
\nconflicts: in the small village of Spiche, in the area of Sutomor, there was a small church
\nwith two altars; one Catholic and the other Orthodox. Orthodox clergy from Cetinje
\nrecently removed the Catholic altar without offering an explanation. The autocephalous
\nChurch of Montenegro, which was recognized only recently, used all of its resources to
\nreverse the action and called upon the tradition of tolerance and respect for all religions
\nin Montenegro.2<\/p>\n

450 MANAGING MULTIETHNIC COEXISTENCE<\/p>\n

1 The term \u201ctribe\u201d has a rather specific meaning in Montenegro. It denotes a community of territory
\nand kinship that has often functioned independently through history, sometimes in confrontation
\nwith state authorities, and frequently at war with other tribes of Montenegro. The tribal division
\nof society lost its significance only after World War II when state authorities systematically moved
\npeople from rural areas into cities where they mixed with members of other communities and
\nlost strong ties to their area of origin and its folklore. The contemporary notion of tribes is nothing
\nmore than a part of folklore. Nevertheless, the Socialist People\u2019s Party (Socijalisiti\u00bdka Narodna
\nPartija\u2013SNP) led by Momir Bulatovic has tried to use the idea of tribes in order to homogenize
\nthe part of population that prefers Montenegro remain part of Yugoslavia under any circumstance.
\nLast year the party traveled through villages of Montenegro where it organized so-called \u201ctribal
\nassemblies,\u201d where village residents voted in open fields by raising their hands for Montenegro
\nto stay within Yugoslavia. Nevertheless, this manner of expressing of political agenda was not
\nproductive and speaks of the populist and extremely retrograde bent of SNP\u2014a party whose
\npolicy has the same basis as the one from which Slobodan Milosevic works to exercise upon
\nMontenegro.
\n2 During the writing of this text, on January 18, 2000, the Orthodox Church of Montenegro was
\nofficially registered in the Ministry of Justice of Montenegro. This legalized it and gave it a status
\nequal to that of other faiths in Montenegro, including the Serbian Orthodox Church. This
\nFEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA
\nIn the towns of Bijelo Polje, Plav, Gusinje, Berane, Bar and Ulcinj, where the majority
\npopulation is Muslim (Albanians and Bosniaks), civic life has been cultivated to the greatest
\npossible extent, despite extremely adverse circumstances. These towns, together with
\nCatholic enclaves on the Montenegrin coast, have traditionally been the most civic areas
\nof Montenegro. Throughout history, these regions developed crafts and trade, constructed
\npublic buildings and places of worship for three faiths and created an atmosphere of
\nvibrant culture of which Montenegro is proud even today. Unfortunately, in the hinterland,
\npeople fought and died in wars, tribal conflict abounded and a romantic myth of
\nMontenegrin highlanders as the \u201cSpartans of Serbia\u201d developed. During the past decades
\nand centuries, Serbs, Bosniak-Muslims, Albanians and Croats lived in tolerance, but \u201cthe
\ndecade of plague\u201d (coined by writer Mirko Kovac) infected these areas with Serbian
\nnationalism.
\n2.4. The History of Good Relations between Albanians and Montenegrins
\nThe continuity of positive relations between Albanians and Montenegrins in Montenegro
\nis based on the heritage of their tribal organizations. Historical evidence of this can be
\nfound in the Albanian Canon of Leka Dukadjini (Kanuni i Lekes in Albanian) and the
\nMontenegrin Epistle of Petar Petrovic I. The authorship of the Canon has been attributed
\nto Leka Dukadjini III (1410-1481) and has been in use for several centuries. Hence, it is
\na part of Albanian common law. The norms of the Canon are based upon experiences of
\npatriarchal life that was typical for some Balkan peoples. The fundamental features of this
\ntype of relation have survived in Montenegrin-Albanian relations. This is part of the reason
\nwhy even today among these groups there remains the frequent use of terms such as
\n\u201ctribe,\u201d nahije (district in Turkish), \u201cbrotherhood\u201d and \u201cfamily\u201d (patriarchal: clan).
\nThe Epistle of Petar Petrovic I is neither a letter nor an official record regarding servants.
\nIn contemporary language, we might describe it as a kind of \u201cauthoritative
\nrecommendation.\u201d The material of its text was collected, partially edited and then published
\nin 1935 by Dushan Vuksan who came up with the title of the collection. Written by a
\nman who was close to his servants and their problems, the Epistles deal with a diverse
\nvariety of areas, for example, requests issued to the general population, requests for
\nassistance and problems in conflict resolution and invitations to war.<\/p>\n

MULTICULTURALISM IN MONTENEGRO AND THE CITY OF ULCINJ 451<\/p>\n

development speaks about efforts of the authorities of Montenegro to promote tolerance of cultural
\ndiversity. It is worth mentioning that during the last decade the Montenegrin Orthodox Church
\nhas shown a high level of tolerance and a readiness to cooperate with other religious communities.
\nNevertheless, relations with the Serbian Orthodox Church can be expected to remain burdened
\nby problems and tensions. Apart from the general obstacle that the Serbian Orthodox Church
\ndoes not recognize the Montenegrin Orthodox Church, there is a property dispute regarding
\nchurch buildings, land and administrative buildings that were annexed by the Serbian Orthodox
\nChurch. It is questionable whether Montenegrin authorities will be able to confront this problem
\nwithout entering into conflict about other issues such as the Ecumenical Patriarchate (the
\nMontenegrin Church was autocephalous until 1920 when it was abolished by the decree of the
\nregent Alexander, the first ruler of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians).
\nIn the context of our topic, it is noteworthy that both documents contain specific
\nrequests and suggestions, addressed to their own people, promoting peaceful coexistence
\nwith neighboring tribes and religious groups. The Canon of Leka Dukadjini and the Epistle
\nof Petar Petrovic I of Cetinje still, today, exemplify a foundation of positive relations between
\nthe two ethnic groups. These relations have peacefully endured decades of potentially
\nconflictual situations until the present-day due to the preservation of interethnic tolerance
\nand respect.
\nAccording to the Epistle and the Canon, it was shameful to insult the neighbor of different
\nreligion or nation. The tribal codex prohibited such conduct, and in many cases even
\nsanctioned offenders within the tribe. The members of Montenegrin tribes used to visit
\nAlbanian neighbors during holy days and Albanians did the same. It was common practice
\nfor them to help each other in large undertakings. They made pacts not to attack each
\nother and to respect each other\u2019s property. They even fought together in battles against
\nthe Turks.
\nThe relations of godfathers and marriage witnesses between Montenegrins and
\nAlbanians are the most frequent ways for strengthening friendship. These relations are
\nseen as \u201choly duties\u201d and as the highest honor by both peoples, usually leading to
\nobligations for other family and tribe members. The practice of \u201cblood brotherhood\u201d was
\nalso quite common. A single man from Montenegrin family would strengthen his position
\nby taking an Albanian friend for a blood brother.
\n2.5. Contemporary Cultural Diversity
\nNevertheless, such rudimentary forms of interethnic relation, of which there has been no
\nshortage between Montenegrins and Albanians, present outdated modes of coexistence
\ndue to modernization and the development of civic life, with its accompanying increase
\nin education and political participation. In the past several years an especially severe mark
\nwas left on the process of modernizing traditional modes of coexistence due to the Yugoslav
\nconflict. Suddenly, the idyllic canon of Montenegrin courage and Albanian honesty was
\ntransformed into an instrument for the reexamination of all current relations. Suspicion
\nhas shadowed the legends of love and mutual respect; new civic relations cannot be formed
\nwithout the conflicting interests of religion, nation and race. Montenegrins and Albanians
\nin Montenegro are not concerned with supporting each other\u2019s interests. Nevertheless,
\nquestions have been raised about the reconceptualization and redefinition of all issues
\nconcerning national identity, religion, territory, balance of power, the consideration of
\ninterests, etc. It is my opinion that the new Montenegrin government has a clear
\nunderstanding of the new set of problems and most of the Albanian population is also
\naware of the undefined situation. Both sides know that improvement has been achieved,
\nbut that many problems are yet to be defined and resolved. The State of Montenegro has
\nyet to open its Pandora\u2019s Box of blurred constitutional categories on minorities. It must
\nchange and improve legislative regulations and establish European standards on citizenship,
\nhuman rights, private property and national symbols. The Albanian population and its
\npolitical parties have to reconsider their requests for an exclusive national state. Requests
\nfor special status and cultural autonomy in cases where absolutely legitimate arrangements<\/p>\n

452 MANAGING MULTIETHNIC COEXISTENCE
\nFEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA<\/p>\n

already exist are turned into the tools of division and lead to a vision of Montenegro that
\nframes exclusively \u201cMontenegrin\u2019\u201d and \u201cAlbanian\u201d parts.
\n3. Cultural Diversity of Ulcinj
\n3.1. The Demographic and Social Landscape of Ulcinj
\nWe shall explain the above questions and problems using the example of political,
\neconomic and cultural development in the Montenegrin municipality of Ulcinj during the
\npast decade. Though this presents a provisional picture, it is still one that shows that
\nUlcinj can became an oasis of thorough, well-defined, European multiculturalism. The
\ntown is already a testing ground for future democratic reforms and serves as a solid base
\nfor the democratic modeling of complex relations between different nationalities in
\nMontenegro.
\nUlcinj, situated on the Strait of Otranto, is the southern-most coastal city in Montenegro.
\nSome ten kilometers of fertile soil separates it from the Albanian border, which is officially
\nmarked by the Bojana River. The municipality has some 30,000 citizens, 80% of which
\nare Albanian, of whom 80% are Muslim and 20% are Catholic. Montenegrins make up
\n15% of the population and the rest consists of Bosniak-Muslims, Serbs, Roma and Greeks.
\nUntil the beginning of the Yugoslav conflict, Ulcinj was a popular center for tourism,
\nan important agricultural area of Montenegro and a town of fisherman and sailors. The
\nlast decade had an devastating effect on Ulcinj, bringing catastrophe to its economy.
\nWhat was not destroyed in Ulcinj, despite the many attempts to harm it, was good
\ninterethnic coexistence and extraordinary religious tolerance. Tolerance is a characteristic
\nUlcinj has always been known for. The people of Ulcinj cannot recall there ever having
\nbeen a conflict with national or regional causes. To the present-day, traditional customs
\ncarry on during shopping days, holidays, celebrations or funerals.
\nUlcinj is a genuinely tolerant town, whose citizens are hard-working and modest. In
\nUlcinj proverbs such as these can frequently be heard: \u201cDo unto others as you would have
\nthem do unto you,\u201d \u201cIf family is far away, neighbors are near,\u201d and \u201cWhat comes around
\ngoes around.\u201d A local writer of Albanian origin says to the citizens of Ulcinj: \u201cI am not an
\nisland in the sea, but a coast of the sea. I can be reached no matter if one walks or swims.\u201d
\nUlcinj has avoided various situations which could have led to interethnic conflict and,
\ntoday, remains a unique multicultural community of Montenegro. This achievement has
\nrequired patience and wisdom, and its people have plenty of both. Nevertheless, it is not
\nalways easy to preserve what was once obtained.
\n3.2. Albanian Political Parties in Montenegro and Ulcinj
\nOn September 9, 1990, in Tuzi, a small, mostly Albanian settlement not far from Podgorica,
\na historic event for Albanians in Montenegro took place: the first Albanian political
\norganization, the Democratic Union in Montenegro was founded. Like other nationalities
\nin the country shaken by the deep crisis in interethnic relations and perceiving a variety
\nMULTICULTURALISM IN MONTENEGRO AND THE CITY OF ULCINJ 453
\nof threats to their nation, the Albanians resorted to a standard option\u2014they established
\nan exclusive political party. However, from the very beginning, its founders emphasized
\ntheir intention not to increase tensions and their desire to establish good relations and
\ncooperation with other political parties. The headquarters of the party was based in Ulcinj.
\nThe Democratic Union in Montenegro, organizationally similar to the Democratic Union
\nof Ibrahim Rugova in Kosovo, entered the parliamentary life of Montenegro, and by January
\n1991 had already won, by a great majority, local elections in Ulcinj.
\nPrior to the establishment of the Democratic Union, the Albanians with political skills
\nwere already distributed among three parties: the Democratic Party of Socialists, which
\nwas, at that time merely an arm of the Milosevic\u2019s regime; the Liberal Union of Montenegro,
\nwhich supports an independent Montenegro and attracts many Albanians and Bosniak-
\nMuslims with its platform; and the Social Democratic Party that supported Montenegro\u2019s
\nSFRY heritage as defined by the program of the last federal prime minister, Ante Markovic.
\nThe Democratic Union\u2019s exclusively national orientation was the most appropriate
\nreaction to the period. A significant portion of the non-Albanian population in Montenegro,
\nalready poisoned with nationalism and exclusionary attitudes, did not hide its hostility
\ntowards Albanians as well as Muslims in general. Vojislav Seselj, leader of the extreme,
\nnationalist Serbian Radical Party, roamed through Montenegro with his paramilitary units,
\n\u201cthe White Eagles,\u201d and did not hesitate to threaten citizens. The White Eagles went
\nthrough Ulcinj twice and surrounding villages, providing Serbs and Montenegrins with
\nweapons. The peaceful citizens of Ulcinj were mortified. Albanians hoped to find protection
\nthrough the Democratic Union and joined it en masse. Shortly thereafter, the Montenegrin
\nauthorities started provocations on the Croatian border. Rumors spread that robberies
\nwere being committed by uncontrollable volunteers and the Yugoslav Army in the Croatian
\nregion of Konavle. The bombing of Dubrovnik commenced a short time later. The war
\nwas at the front door.
\nIn the following year, in December 1992, again by a great majority, the Democratic
\nUnion won the local elections in Ulcinj. The Democratic Union governed the city in a
\npeaceful and tolerant manner, investing significant effort into minimizing the increasingly
\nfrequent appearances of interethnic intolerance. It tried to reduce tensions through directly
\ncommunicating with the population and visited military barracks and headquarters to
\nappeal for the protection of property and human lives. This period was marked by an
\nexodus of young Albanians who sought asylum throughout Europe. Armed Serbian
\nvolunteers on their way to Dubrovnik gathered in the city of Ulcinj. Bursts of machinegun
\nfire delivered by drunk soldiers disturbed its citizens throughout the nights.
\nNevertheless, no major offenses transpired. The town kept silent and endured.
\nIn 1996 the Democratic Union again won office in Ulcinj, but this time in coalition
\nwith the Liberal Union of Montenegro. It was a time of relaxation in interethnic relations.
\nThe political life of Montenegro during the period was rather rich and dramatic. The
\nDemocratic Union remained exclusively oriented toward Albanian issues, its leadership
\ninfected by ambitions for a greater Albanian state. Blinded by bits and pieces of local
\ngovernance, party leadership lost its orientation and committed a mistake typical of
\nnationally oriented parties in the Balkans; instead of staying focused on local politics, they
\nbecame overly involved with national policy. They disregarded the dynamics of community
\nservices, and their actions in the field of culture were frequently colored by national-<\/p>\n

454 MANAGING MULTIETHNIC COEXISTENCE
\nFEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA<\/p>\n

socialist agendas. Furthermore, they did not make good on their promises. Contact with
\ninternational organizations and various governments are commonly dramatized by the
\nnationalist propaganda. The party\u2019s fieldwork is now directed toward persuading electoral
\nconstituents not to abandon them. Campaigning is conducted demagogically, resorting
\nto ploys on tribal commitment, unrealistic assessments and fallacious perspectives.
\nParallel to this situation, conditions in Kosovo were worsening, Serbian pressure was
\ngrowing and Albanian politicians in Montenegro already had exclusionist ideas regarding
\ntheir population in the near future. Economic and political chaos in Albania was
\nculminating into anarchy. On the basis of these circumstances, the Democratic Union
\nchanged its formerly positive mission, which was geared toward the renewal and
\norganization of the Albanian population in Montenegro. It now advocates an inflexible
\nscheme to create a greater Albania. As a consequence of such policies, the party split in
\ntwo and a new party, the Democratic Union of Albanians, was formed. This Democratic
\nUnion\u2019s platform is based upon three principles: the development of civic life, respect for
\nknowledge and increased communication with non-Albanian organizations. Unfortunately,
\nthe Democratic Union of Albanians has remained an exclusively Albanian party; however,
\nits appearance was a positive step in the Albanian political sphere in Montenegro due to
\nthe fact that, among other things, it created political competition. In 1996 the Democratic
\nUnion of Albanians was on Ulcinj\u2019s electoral ballot, but failed to become the ruling party.
\nHowever, it succeeded in the elections held in May 1998. Today, the party governs Ulcinj
\nin coalition with the Democratic Union of Montenegro.
\n3.3. The Party\u2019s Mini-Oligarchy in Ulcinj
\nThe City Council of Ulcinj consists of the Democratic Union in Montenegro (11
\nrepresentatives), the Democratic Union of Albanians (9 representatives), the Democratic
\nParty of Socialists (8 representatives) and the Socialist People\u2019s Party (4 representatives).
\nAll parties in the council cultivate honest and civilized relations with each other. The
\nactivities of the council are conducted in both languages. The two Albanian parties govern
\nin coalition. The effectiveness of the governance is hindered by the municipality\u2019s
\nbureaucracy and the fact that party interests take precedence over those of the city and
\nits citizens. The outcome of this is that many positive areas of coexistence and tolerance
\nthreaten to become their opposite. The following are examples of this:
\n1. During the agony of Albanian refugees from Kosovo (spring and summer 1999),
\nMontenegro, and especially the city of Ulcinj, showed a humanitarian face. At the
\nbeginning of the summer some 100,000 refugees found safety in Montenegro. The
\ncity of Ulcinj took in 60,000 of them. Although the city was overwhelmed with
\nhungry and frightened people, no major incidents happened. The citizens of Ulcinj
\nreceived the refugees with patience and sympathy. Serbs and Montenegrins as well
\nas Albanian citizens provided significant help. The hearty spirit of the citizens of
\nUlcinj made taking care of most of the refugees easier.
\nAfter several months, the situation in Kosovo calmed down and the refugees
\nbegan to return home. To reward citizens of Montenegro for their solidarity, the<\/p>\n

MULTICULTURALISM IN MONTENEGRO AND THE CITY OF ULCINJ 455<\/p>\n

international community provided significant aid to the Red Cross of Montenegro.
\nPart of the support was passed on to the local government in Ulcinj. A list of those
\nwho provided shelter for refugees was made and they were reimbursed for their
\nefforts. However, the rest of the financial support disappeared due to fraud. Local
\npoliticians, instead of using the money for the common good, channeled it to their
\nown families and friends. Thus, an opportunity was missed to use that money
\neffectively in areas that would have benefited from it, e.g., for the completion of the
\nconstruction of the Cultural Center, the improvement of local infrastructure, the
\nmodernization of the Health Center, the clean-up of the city and its surroundings
\nand the repair of the sewage system.
\n2. During the war in Kosovo, the U.S. humanitarian organization, American Refugee
\nCenter, had an office based in Ulcinj. It decided to finance a clean-up of the whole
\nmunicipality area. Aware that local authorities had spent resources irresponsibly,
\nthe organization conducted the clean-up on its own terms, involving students from
\nlocal schools and employing seasonal workers. Gradually, the city and the
\nmunicipality were completely cleaned. However, because of a lack of local
\ncommunity services, the city was again covered in trash within a week.
\n3. The ART Club is an association of Albanian intellectuals established with the purpose
\nof supporting and promoting Albanian culture and science. It is an exclusively
\nAlbanian association. However, since its policy is to be professionally active in
\nculture and science and to reject the political and nationalist goals of the municipal
\ngovernment, it came into conflict with the Democratic Union in Montenegro.
\nConsequently, a campaign was launched against the members of the ART Club.
\nThe significance of their positive activities was minimized. They were denied access
\nto budgetary funds that had been set aside for cultural activities in the municipality.
\nThe ART Club, in possession of rather insufficient facilities, was denied the right
\nto organize promotions and seminars in the Cultural Center, which is run by the
\nDemocratic Union in Montenegro.
\n4. Conclusion
\nThe multicultural character of Montenegro has withstood the worst possible challenges
\nto which it was exposed during the past decade. Montenegro is one of only few
\nmultinational societies of the former Yugoslavia where tensions between different nations
\nhave not culminated to the point of open conflict. We are hopeful that the coexistence of
\nAlbanians and Montenegrins in Montenegro has a future that will be characterized by
\ncultural diversity and democracy. There are three basic reasons for such optimism:
\n1. A tradition of mutual respect and tolerance that characterizes relations between
\nAlbanians and Montenegrins;
\n2. The proven capability of both of these nations to resist temptations to relate to each
\nother with animosity during the war;
\n3. The reformist orientation of the current government of Montenegro.<\/p>\n

456 MANAGING MULTIETHNIC COEXISTENCE
\nFEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA<\/p>\n

The existence of nationally exclusive parties in an ethnically heterogeneous state is
\nunderstandable and justifiable, but they can turn into a potential threat if they become
\nclosed and if normal democratic communication with their constituents and other political
\ngroups is cut off. Elements of this unhealthy trend can be seen in contemporary Ulcinj.
\nIt is necessary for these parties to reject projects that promote ambitions for greater
\nnation-states. Such concepts have been seen as reactionary among Ulcinj\u2019s Albanians
\nthemselves.
\nWhat deserves attention is the fact that there is an increasing number of Albanians that
\nunderstand how wrong this strategy of Albanian parties is. Ulcinj Albanians are increasingly
\njoining the Democratic Party of Socialists and the Social Democratic Party, which is clear
\nevidence of their civic-mindedness. With the reduction of political tensions, the traditional
\nfeatures of Ulcinj\u2019s civic coexistence have returned. These entail work ethics and the
\nacceptance of peaceful and tolerant civic options in interethnic relations. It is also possible
\nthat nationalist parties, while losing influence, will be forced to reduce their unrealistic
\nambitions and exercise political influence with a more democratic content. Albanians need
\npolitical organizations that will work for their rights in education, culture and information.
\nAll citizens of Ulcinj need a government that supports the activities of civil society and
\nprovides public services that are in the common interest of the city and its citizens,
\nregardless of national affiliations. In the process of such a transformation, Albanian parties
\nneed to have a permanent and honest partner in the government of Montenegro, in its
\nministries, in the governing coalition and in other units of the political and economic
\nsphere.<\/p>\n

MULTICULTURALISM IN MONTENEGRO AND THE CITY OF ULCINJ 457<\/p>\n

The existence of nationally exclusive parties in an ethnically heterogeneous state is
\nunderstandable and justifiable, but they can turn into a potential threat if they become
\nclosed and if normal democratic communication with their constituents and other political
\ngroups is cut off. Elements of this unhealthy trend can be seen in contemporary Ulcinj.
\nIt is necessary for these parties to reject projects that promote ambitions for greater
\nnation-states. Such concepts have been seen as reactionary among Ulcinj\u2019s Albanians
\nthemselves.
\nWhat deserves attention is the fact that there is an increasing number of Albanians that
\nunderstand how wrong this strategy of Albanian parties is. Ulcinj Albanians are increasingly
\njoining the Democratic Party of Socialists and the Social Democratic Party, which is clear
\nevidence of their civic-mindedness. With the reduction of political tensions, the traditional
\nfeatures of Ulcinj\u2019s civic coexistence have returned. These entail work ethics and the
\nacceptance of peaceful and tolerant civic options in interethnic relations. It is also possible
\nthat nationalist parties, while losing influence, will be forced to reduce their unrealistic
\nambitions and exercise political influence with a more democratic content. Albanians need
\npolitical organizations that will work for their rights in education, culture and information.
\nAll citizens of Ulcinj need a government that supports the activities of civil society and
\nprovides public services that are in the common interest of the city and its citizens,
\nregardless of national affiliations. In the process of such a transformation, Albanian parties
\nneed to have a permanent and honest partner in the government of Montenegro, in its
\nministries, in the governing coalition and in other units of the political and economic sphere.<\/p>\n

Source: http:\/\/lgi.osi.hu\/publications\/books\/mmcpxyu\/30.PDF<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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