FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA
MULTICULTURALISM IN MONTENEGRO AND THE CITY OF ULCINJ
Jovan Nikolaidis

1. Introduction
Throughout the former Yugoslavia, the last decade has clearly exposed mistakes
committed in the processes of regulating interethnic relations during the communist
period. All that was done in respect to the issue of cultural plurality in the former
Yugoslavia was expressed in the demagogical slogan “brotherhood and unity”—the
ideological matrix of the totalitarian system. Concepts of tolerance and coexistence have
been stunted by legacies of war, violence and fear. It is precisely due to these tragic
circumstances that an imperative need to overcome the contemporary situation has
emerged. Any thorough sociopolitical reform within the republics of the former Yugoslavia
must be based on their multicultural character. When the previous state disappeared it
left behind a region in desperate need of international intervention. A long and complex
process has unfolded involving Euro-American intentions to help us in the process of
development and our readiness to accept this help. Helpful contributions to the process
have been made by certain democratic political groups, numerous NGOs and a number
of intellectuals who, although at times are a bit disoriented, significantly assist the
development of respect for diversity.
2. The Multiculturality of Montenegro
2.1. Basic Data on Montenegro
Where does Montenegro stand in relation to efforts aimed at peacemaking and the
democratization of the states of the former Yugoslavia? Does European and American
official confirmation that the democratization of Montenegro presents a positive example
to its neighbors have political validity, or is it merely propaganda? Does Montenegro’s
willingness to accommodate the diversity of cultures, ethnic groups and religions present
valid evidence of a resolute intention to democratize, or is it just a guise for a new ideology
that is growing within volatile developments in this small country? Does Montenegro’s
leadership have the vision and strength to confront numerous internal problems and the
challenges of undefined relations with neighboring states? Finally, is Montenegro capable
of resisting the attempts of Milosevic’s regime to obstruct the democratization process?
Unfortunately, there is no clear answer to these questions. Therefore, this paper will only
447
try to present and analyze the multicultural and democratic character of contemporary
Montenegro.
Montenegro is one of the oldest states in the Balkan region. It was the smallest and least
developed republic within the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY).
Today, Montenegro is a federal unit within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY). The
majority population consists of Montenegrins (615,035 or 61.86%), a specific ethnic group
of South Slavs. The other groups of Montenegro are Serbs (57,453 or 9.34%), Bosniak-
Muslims (89,614 or 14.57%), Albanians (40,415 or 6.57%), Croats and others (the data
originate from the 1991 census as published in the Statisti½ki Godi¹njak Crne Gore 1992).
In 1918, in accordance with decisions of the Podgorica Parliament, the statehood of
Montenegro was transferred to the newly established state of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia.
The Kingdom of Montenegro was abolished and its king, Nikola Petrovic I, was removed
from power. From that time until after the end of World War II, Montenegro was simply
a region in Serbia. In 1945 the Communist authority gave it the status of a state once more,
i.e., that of a federal unit within the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia where it had
equal status as one of six member states until the fall of the Socialist Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia. After the dissolution of the SFRY and in accordance with the 1992 Constitution
of the new federal state, Montenegro’s statehood was transferred into a federal configuration
within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, consisting of Serbia and Montenegro. As to the
relation of Montenegro to Serbia within the union, there is a multiplicity of political views,
ranging from separatism to a total acceptance of unity. The eventual possibility of a new
and different type of union has yet to be defined. There are many options and only the
future will resolve the complex and uncertain relations between Montenegro, Serbia and
Kosovo. Will FRY survive? Will it survive with or without Kosovo? Is there a possibility for
the future union of Montenegro and Serbia without Kosovo? Will Kosovo become an
independent state? Will Montenegro, following historical and political precedents, also
gain independence? Will Serbia, which is threatened by civil war, end up fragmented into
regions (Vojvodina, Sandzak, Serbia proper)? And, finally, how do multicultural issues
relate to these processes?
2.2. Reforms for the Improvement of Ethnic Equality
During the last two years, Montenegro has found alternative solutions and hope for the
stabilization of multicultural democracy. After the parliamentary and presidential elections
(held in the first half of 1998) there was visible improvement in relations between different
nationalities and religions in Montenegro. Even before the elections all parliamentary
parties, including a Muslim party and two Albanian parties, signed a memorandum of
cooperation. The coalition Da Ãivimo bolje (To Live Better), consisting of the Democratic
Party of Socialists (DPS)—the strongest party in Montenegro—the People’s Party and the
Social Democratic party, won the elections. The president of DPS, Milo Djukanovic, became
the president of Montenegro. In addition to expressing his commitment to democratization
and the good of Montenegro, Mr. Djukanovic emphasized that he wanted to be a president
of all citizens. It is noteworthy that he gained minority votes, especially from Bosniak-
Muslims and Albanians.

448 MANAGING MULTIETHNIC COEXISTENCE
FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA

Additional improvements have also been achieved in the fields of administrative reform,
the constitution, the restructuring of specific services and the development of the local
government. In the city of Ulcinj, where Albanians are the majority population, two
national Albanian parties, the Democratic Union of Albanians in Montenegro and the
Democratic Union of Albanians, have won local elections. Bosniak-Muslim, Albanian and
Croatian representatives participate significantly in the government of Montenegro.
Members of the Albanian population have been appointed to the governmental positions
of Minority Rights Minister, Deputy to the Minority Rights Minister, Deputy Minister of
Education and Deputy of the Secretary of Information. The Minister of Internal Affairs
simplified procedures in order to hire a significant number of Albanians to posts within
the police force (previously almost totally without Albanians), such as patrolmen, traffic
policemen, investigators, special services officers, etc. In the city of Ulcinj the post of Chief
of the Internal Affairs Ministry is filled by an Albanian. Bosniak-Muslims have also been
appointed to governmental posts such as Minister of Trade, Minister of Transportation
and Communication and Vice President of the Parliament.
The ethnic structure within other governing bodies in Montenegro is satisfactory,
especially considering the previous situation where there was a ruling oligarchy consisting
almost entirely of members of one ethnic group. However, reforms have only begun. The
escalation of violence in neighboring states has had harsh ramifications, which have put
additional pressure on minorities, giving further reasons why additional efforts in affirming
minority rights and human rights in general should be expected. In addition to other
reforms, significant changes in the fields of education and culture should be expected.
This entails a revision of school curricula as well as the promotion of democratic principles
of cultural openness. We believe that Montenegro will soon develop from a stage of
promising proto-democratic transition into a functioning democracy. Montenegro needs
to develop as a multinational, multidenominational and multicultural state with a strong
civil society. The people who inhabit it belong to different ethnic groups, and all of them
should consider this state as their own homeland. There is a noticeable trend in viewing
a state as such, and we should do everything to entirely realize this and make it a rule
rather than exception. Contemporary developments in interethnic relations in Montenegro
are geared toward this goal. Despite the many obstacles, prejudices and ill-willed
individuals and groups inspired by dark visions and desires of exclusivity, the process of
healing has begun and the therapy needs to be completed.
2.3. The Good Practice and Tradition
Montenegro has a long and positive tradition of relations between diverse ethnic and
religious groups. It is particularly interesting to observe and analyze relations between
Montenegrins and Albanians, their emotional and cultural and societal similarity, the
comparability of their tribal traditions and their historical ties. Marko Miljanov Popovic,
the famous hero and duke of the nineteenth century, collected many positive examples
of Albanian-Montenegrin relations. The members of the Montenegrin clan, Ku½i, despite
taking up radical Serbian nationalism in recent years, have a tale in their tradition about
their common ancestry with the Malisorian (Albanian) tribe of Kastrati and their mutually
MULTICULTURALISM IN MONTENEGRO AND THE CITY OF ULCINJ 449
entangled destinies that span centuries.1 Miljanov’s records contain a variety of valuable
examples of tolerance between Slovenes and Illyrians. Though he always used “Serbian”
to refer to Serbs and Montenegrins because he considered Serbia and Montenegro to be
the same, Miljanov wrote in The Tribe of Ku½i in Folk Stories and Songs the following lines:
“That people [Albanians] has such love for the tribe of Ku½i, that I would not believe it
had I not seen it with my own eyes.”
Until the beginning of the last decade, the citizens of Montenegro did not consider
intermarriage between Montenegrins and Melusians (Albanians) to be out of the ordinary.
The members of the Albanian Åestani tribe (Catholics from the regions around Lake Skadar,
Krajina, Mozura and western villages in the area of Ulcinj and Bar) have a long history of
intermarriage with Montenegrins. To a lesser degree this is also the case for the Malisors
tribe (a rather large group of Albanian Catholics). Though such pairings are not as
customary as for the Åestani clan, they are solid marriages that oblige friendship between
Montenegrins and Albanians. Marriages between Muslims and Orthodox are no rarity in
Montenegro and are accompanied by the strengthening of family ties and friendship. After
1992 this trend subsided as interethnic divisions grew, mostly due to the rise of Serbian
nationalism. It is worth mentioning that the rise of Serbian nationalism—in the context
of which particular Montenegrin clans were described as “old Serbian tribes” and national
tolerance was presented as a betrayal of “national interests”—has, for the most part, been
quelled.
An example shows how the culture of tolerance can contribute to overcoming religious
conflicts: in the small village of Spiche, in the area of Sutomor, there was a small church
with two altars; one Catholic and the other Orthodox. Orthodox clergy from Cetinje
recently removed the Catholic altar without offering an explanation. The autocephalous
Church of Montenegro, which was recognized only recently, used all of its resources to
reverse the action and called upon the tradition of tolerance and respect for all religions
in Montenegro.2

450 MANAGING MULTIETHNIC COEXISTENCE

1 The term “tribe” has a rather specific meaning in Montenegro. It denotes a community of territory
and kinship that has often functioned independently through history, sometimes in confrontation
with state authorities, and frequently at war with other tribes of Montenegro. The tribal division
of society lost its significance only after World War II when state authorities systematically moved
people from rural areas into cities where they mixed with members of other communities and
lost strong ties to their area of origin and its folklore. The contemporary notion of tribes is nothing
more than a part of folklore. Nevertheless, the Socialist People’s Party (Socijalisiti½ka Narodna
Partija–SNP) led by Momir Bulatovic has tried to use the idea of tribes in order to homogenize
the part of population that prefers Montenegro remain part of Yugoslavia under any circumstance.
Last year the party traveled through villages of Montenegro where it organized so-called “tribal
assemblies,” where village residents voted in open fields by raising their hands for Montenegro
to stay within Yugoslavia. Nevertheless, this manner of expressing of political agenda was not
productive and speaks of the populist and extremely retrograde bent of SNP—a party whose
policy has the same basis as the one from which Slobodan Milosevic works to exercise upon
Montenegro.
2 During the writing of this text, on January 18, 2000, the Orthodox Church of Montenegro was
officially registered in the Ministry of Justice of Montenegro. This legalized it and gave it a status
equal to that of other faiths in Montenegro, including the Serbian Orthodox Church. This
FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA
In the towns of Bijelo Polje, Plav, Gusinje, Berane, Bar and Ulcinj, where the majority
population is Muslim (Albanians and Bosniaks), civic life has been cultivated to the greatest
possible extent, despite extremely adverse circumstances. These towns, together with
Catholic enclaves on the Montenegrin coast, have traditionally been the most civic areas
of Montenegro. Throughout history, these regions developed crafts and trade, constructed
public buildings and places of worship for three faiths and created an atmosphere of
vibrant culture of which Montenegro is proud even today. Unfortunately, in the hinterland,
people fought and died in wars, tribal conflict abounded and a romantic myth of
Montenegrin highlanders as the “Spartans of Serbia” developed. During the past decades
and centuries, Serbs, Bosniak-Muslims, Albanians and Croats lived in tolerance, but “the
decade of plague” (coined by writer Mirko Kovac) infected these areas with Serbian
nationalism.
2.4. The History of Good Relations between Albanians and Montenegrins
The continuity of positive relations between Albanians and Montenegrins in Montenegro
is based on the heritage of their tribal organizations. Historical evidence of this can be
found in the Albanian Canon of Leka Dukadjini (Kanuni i Lekes in Albanian) and the
Montenegrin Epistle of Petar Petrovic I. The authorship of the Canon has been attributed
to Leka Dukadjini III (1410-1481) and has been in use for several centuries. Hence, it is
a part of Albanian common law. The norms of the Canon are based upon experiences of
patriarchal life that was typical for some Balkan peoples. The fundamental features of this
type of relation have survived in Montenegrin-Albanian relations. This is part of the reason
why even today among these groups there remains the frequent use of terms such as
“tribe,” nahije (district in Turkish), “brotherhood” and “family” (patriarchal: clan).
The Epistle of Petar Petrovic I is neither a letter nor an official record regarding servants.
In contemporary language, we might describe it as a kind of “authoritative
recommendation.” The material of its text was collected, partially edited and then published
in 1935 by Dushan Vuksan who came up with the title of the collection. Written by a
man who was close to his servants and their problems, the Epistles deal with a diverse
variety of areas, for example, requests issued to the general population, requests for
assistance and problems in conflict resolution and invitations to war.

MULTICULTURALISM IN MONTENEGRO AND THE CITY OF ULCINJ 451

development speaks about efforts of the authorities of Montenegro to promote tolerance of cultural
diversity. It is worth mentioning that during the last decade the Montenegrin Orthodox Church
has shown a high level of tolerance and a readiness to cooperate with other religious communities.
Nevertheless, relations with the Serbian Orthodox Church can be expected to remain burdened
by problems and tensions. Apart from the general obstacle that the Serbian Orthodox Church
does not recognize the Montenegrin Orthodox Church, there is a property dispute regarding
church buildings, land and administrative buildings that were annexed by the Serbian Orthodox
Church. It is questionable whether Montenegrin authorities will be able to confront this problem
without entering into conflict about other issues such as the Ecumenical Patriarchate (the
Montenegrin Church was autocephalous until 1920 when it was abolished by the decree of the
regent Alexander, the first ruler of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians).
In the context of our topic, it is noteworthy that both documents contain specific
requests and suggestions, addressed to their own people, promoting peaceful coexistence
with neighboring tribes and religious groups. The Canon of Leka Dukadjini and the Epistle
of Petar Petrovic I of Cetinje still, today, exemplify a foundation of positive relations between
the two ethnic groups. These relations have peacefully endured decades of potentially
conflictual situations until the present-day due to the preservation of interethnic tolerance
and respect.
According to the Epistle and the Canon, it was shameful to insult the neighbor of different
religion or nation. The tribal codex prohibited such conduct, and in many cases even
sanctioned offenders within the tribe. The members of Montenegrin tribes used to visit
Albanian neighbors during holy days and Albanians did the same. It was common practice
for them to help each other in large undertakings. They made pacts not to attack each
other and to respect each other’s property. They even fought together in battles against
the Turks.
The relations of godfathers and marriage witnesses between Montenegrins and
Albanians are the most frequent ways for strengthening friendship. These relations are
seen as “holy duties” and as the highest honor by both peoples, usually leading to
obligations for other family and tribe members. The practice of “blood brotherhood” was
also quite common. A single man from Montenegrin family would strengthen his position
by taking an Albanian friend for a blood brother.
2.5. Contemporary Cultural Diversity
Nevertheless, such rudimentary forms of interethnic relation, of which there has been no
shortage between Montenegrins and Albanians, present outdated modes of coexistence
due to modernization and the development of civic life, with its accompanying increase
in education and political participation. In the past several years an especially severe mark
was left on the process of modernizing traditional modes of coexistence due to the Yugoslav
conflict. Suddenly, the idyllic canon of Montenegrin courage and Albanian honesty was
transformed into an instrument for the reexamination of all current relations. Suspicion
has shadowed the legends of love and mutual respect; new civic relations cannot be formed
without the conflicting interests of religion, nation and race. Montenegrins and Albanians
in Montenegro are not concerned with supporting each other’s interests. Nevertheless,
questions have been raised about the reconceptualization and redefinition of all issues
concerning national identity, religion, territory, balance of power, the consideration of
interests, etc. It is my opinion that the new Montenegrin government has a clear
understanding of the new set of problems and most of the Albanian population is also
aware of the undefined situation. Both sides know that improvement has been achieved,
but that many problems are yet to be defined and resolved. The State of Montenegro has
yet to open its Pandora’s Box of blurred constitutional categories on minorities. It must
change and improve legislative regulations and establish European standards on citizenship,
human rights, private property and national symbols. The Albanian population and its
political parties have to reconsider their requests for an exclusive national state. Requests
for special status and cultural autonomy in cases where absolutely legitimate arrangements

452 MANAGING MULTIETHNIC COEXISTENCE
FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA

already exist are turned into the tools of division and lead to a vision of Montenegro that
frames exclusively “Montenegrin’” and “Albanian” parts.
3. Cultural Diversity of Ulcinj
3.1. The Demographic and Social Landscape of Ulcinj
We shall explain the above questions and problems using the example of political,
economic and cultural development in the Montenegrin municipality of Ulcinj during the
past decade. Though this presents a provisional picture, it is still one that shows that
Ulcinj can became an oasis of thorough, well-defined, European multiculturalism. The
town is already a testing ground for future democratic reforms and serves as a solid base
for the democratic modeling of complex relations between different nationalities in
Montenegro.
Ulcinj, situated on the Strait of Otranto, is the southern-most coastal city in Montenegro.
Some ten kilometers of fertile soil separates it from the Albanian border, which is officially
marked by the Bojana River. The municipality has some 30,000 citizens, 80% of which
are Albanian, of whom 80% are Muslim and 20% are Catholic. Montenegrins make up
15% of the population and the rest consists of Bosniak-Muslims, Serbs, Roma and Greeks.
Until the beginning of the Yugoslav conflict, Ulcinj was a popular center for tourism,
an important agricultural area of Montenegro and a town of fisherman and sailors. The
last decade had an devastating effect on Ulcinj, bringing catastrophe to its economy.
What was not destroyed in Ulcinj, despite the many attempts to harm it, was good
interethnic coexistence and extraordinary religious tolerance. Tolerance is a characteristic
Ulcinj has always been known for. The people of Ulcinj cannot recall there ever having
been a conflict with national or regional causes. To the present-day, traditional customs
carry on during shopping days, holidays, celebrations or funerals.
Ulcinj is a genuinely tolerant town, whose citizens are hard-working and modest. In
Ulcinj proverbs such as these can frequently be heard: “Do unto others as you would have
them do unto you,” “If family is far away, neighbors are near,” and “What comes around
goes around.” A local writer of Albanian origin says to the citizens of Ulcinj: “I am not an
island in the sea, but a coast of the sea. I can be reached no matter if one walks or swims.”
Ulcinj has avoided various situations which could have led to interethnic conflict and,
today, remains a unique multicultural community of Montenegro. This achievement has
required patience and wisdom, and its people have plenty of both. Nevertheless, it is not
always easy to preserve what was once obtained.
3.2. Albanian Political Parties in Montenegro and Ulcinj
On September 9, 1990, in Tuzi, a small, mostly Albanian settlement not far from Podgorica,
a historic event for Albanians in Montenegro took place: the first Albanian political
organization, the Democratic Union in Montenegro was founded. Like other nationalities
in the country shaken by the deep crisis in interethnic relations and perceiving a variety
MULTICULTURALISM IN MONTENEGRO AND THE CITY OF ULCINJ 453
of threats to their nation, the Albanians resorted to a standard option—they established
an exclusive political party. However, from the very beginning, its founders emphasized
their intention not to increase tensions and their desire to establish good relations and
cooperation with other political parties. The headquarters of the party was based in Ulcinj.
The Democratic Union in Montenegro, organizationally similar to the Democratic Union
of Ibrahim Rugova in Kosovo, entered the parliamentary life of Montenegro, and by January
1991 had already won, by a great majority, local elections in Ulcinj.
Prior to the establishment of the Democratic Union, the Albanians with political skills
were already distributed among three parties: the Democratic Party of Socialists, which
was, at that time merely an arm of the Milosevic’s regime; the Liberal Union of Montenegro,
which supports an independent Montenegro and attracts many Albanians and Bosniak-
Muslims with its platform; and the Social Democratic Party that supported Montenegro’s
SFRY heritage as defined by the program of the last federal prime minister, Ante Markovic.
The Democratic Union’s exclusively national orientation was the most appropriate
reaction to the period. A significant portion of the non-Albanian population in Montenegro,
already poisoned with nationalism and exclusionary attitudes, did not hide its hostility
towards Albanians as well as Muslims in general. Vojislav Seselj, leader of the extreme,
nationalist Serbian Radical Party, roamed through Montenegro with his paramilitary units,
“the White Eagles,” and did not hesitate to threaten citizens. The White Eagles went
through Ulcinj twice and surrounding villages, providing Serbs and Montenegrins with
weapons. The peaceful citizens of Ulcinj were mortified. Albanians hoped to find protection
through the Democratic Union and joined it en masse. Shortly thereafter, the Montenegrin
authorities started provocations on the Croatian border. Rumors spread that robberies
were being committed by uncontrollable volunteers and the Yugoslav Army in the Croatian
region of Konavle. The bombing of Dubrovnik commenced a short time later. The war
was at the front door.
In the following year, in December 1992, again by a great majority, the Democratic
Union won the local elections in Ulcinj. The Democratic Union governed the city in a
peaceful and tolerant manner, investing significant effort into minimizing the increasingly
frequent appearances of interethnic intolerance. It tried to reduce tensions through directly
communicating with the population and visited military barracks and headquarters to
appeal for the protection of property and human lives. This period was marked by an
exodus of young Albanians who sought asylum throughout Europe. Armed Serbian
volunteers on their way to Dubrovnik gathered in the city of Ulcinj. Bursts of machinegun
fire delivered by drunk soldiers disturbed its citizens throughout the nights.
Nevertheless, no major offenses transpired. The town kept silent and endured.
In 1996 the Democratic Union again won office in Ulcinj, but this time in coalition
with the Liberal Union of Montenegro. It was a time of relaxation in interethnic relations.
The political life of Montenegro during the period was rather rich and dramatic. The
Democratic Union remained exclusively oriented toward Albanian issues, its leadership
infected by ambitions for a greater Albanian state. Blinded by bits and pieces of local
governance, party leadership lost its orientation and committed a mistake typical of
nationally oriented parties in the Balkans; instead of staying focused on local politics, they
became overly involved with national policy. They disregarded the dynamics of community
services, and their actions in the field of culture were frequently colored by national-

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socialist agendas. Furthermore, they did not make good on their promises. Contact with
international organizations and various governments are commonly dramatized by the
nationalist propaganda. The party’s fieldwork is now directed toward persuading electoral
constituents not to abandon them. Campaigning is conducted demagogically, resorting
to ploys on tribal commitment, unrealistic assessments and fallacious perspectives.
Parallel to this situation, conditions in Kosovo were worsening, Serbian pressure was
growing and Albanian politicians in Montenegro already had exclusionist ideas regarding
their population in the near future. Economic and political chaos in Albania was
culminating into anarchy. On the basis of these circumstances, the Democratic Union
changed its formerly positive mission, which was geared toward the renewal and
organization of the Albanian population in Montenegro. It now advocates an inflexible
scheme to create a greater Albania. As a consequence of such policies, the party split in
two and a new party, the Democratic Union of Albanians, was formed. This Democratic
Union’s platform is based upon three principles: the development of civic life, respect for
knowledge and increased communication with non-Albanian organizations. Unfortunately,
the Democratic Union of Albanians has remained an exclusively Albanian party; however,
its appearance was a positive step in the Albanian political sphere in Montenegro due to
the fact that, among other things, it created political competition. In 1996 the Democratic
Union of Albanians was on Ulcinj’s electoral ballot, but failed to become the ruling party.
However, it succeeded in the elections held in May 1998. Today, the party governs Ulcinj
in coalition with the Democratic Union of Montenegro.
3.3. The Party’s Mini-Oligarchy in Ulcinj
The City Council of Ulcinj consists of the Democratic Union in Montenegro (11
representatives), the Democratic Union of Albanians (9 representatives), the Democratic
Party of Socialists (8 representatives) and the Socialist People’s Party (4 representatives).
All parties in the council cultivate honest and civilized relations with each other. The
activities of the council are conducted in both languages. The two Albanian parties govern
in coalition. The effectiveness of the governance is hindered by the municipality’s
bureaucracy and the fact that party interests take precedence over those of the city and
its citizens. The outcome of this is that many positive areas of coexistence and tolerance
threaten to become their opposite. The following are examples of this:
1. During the agony of Albanian refugees from Kosovo (spring and summer 1999),
Montenegro, and especially the city of Ulcinj, showed a humanitarian face. At the
beginning of the summer some 100,000 refugees found safety in Montenegro. The
city of Ulcinj took in 60,000 of them. Although the city was overwhelmed with
hungry and frightened people, no major incidents happened. The citizens of Ulcinj
received the refugees with patience and sympathy. Serbs and Montenegrins as well
as Albanian citizens provided significant help. The hearty spirit of the citizens of
Ulcinj made taking care of most of the refugees easier.
After several months, the situation in Kosovo calmed down and the refugees
began to return home. To reward citizens of Montenegro for their solidarity, the

MULTICULTURALISM IN MONTENEGRO AND THE CITY OF ULCINJ 455

international community provided significant aid to the Red Cross of Montenegro.
Part of the support was passed on to the local government in Ulcinj. A list of those
who provided shelter for refugees was made and they were reimbursed for their
efforts. However, the rest of the financial support disappeared due to fraud. Local
politicians, instead of using the money for the common good, channeled it to their
own families and friends. Thus, an opportunity was missed to use that money
effectively in areas that would have benefited from it, e.g., for the completion of the
construction of the Cultural Center, the improvement of local infrastructure, the
modernization of the Health Center, the clean-up of the city and its surroundings
and the repair of the sewage system.
2. During the war in Kosovo, the U.S. humanitarian organization, American Refugee
Center, had an office based in Ulcinj. It decided to finance a clean-up of the whole
municipality area. Aware that local authorities had spent resources irresponsibly,
the organization conducted the clean-up on its own terms, involving students from
local schools and employing seasonal workers. Gradually, the city and the
municipality were completely cleaned. However, because of a lack of local
community services, the city was again covered in trash within a week.
3. The ART Club is an association of Albanian intellectuals established with the purpose
of supporting and promoting Albanian culture and science. It is an exclusively
Albanian association. However, since its policy is to be professionally active in
culture and science and to reject the political and nationalist goals of the municipal
government, it came into conflict with the Democratic Union in Montenegro.
Consequently, a campaign was launched against the members of the ART Club.
The significance of their positive activities was minimized. They were denied access
to budgetary funds that had been set aside for cultural activities in the municipality.
The ART Club, in possession of rather insufficient facilities, was denied the right
to organize promotions and seminars in the Cultural Center, which is run by the
Democratic Union in Montenegro.
4. Conclusion
The multicultural character of Montenegro has withstood the worst possible challenges
to which it was exposed during the past decade. Montenegro is one of only few
multinational societies of the former Yugoslavia where tensions between different nations
have not culminated to the point of open conflict. We are hopeful that the coexistence of
Albanians and Montenegrins in Montenegro has a future that will be characterized by
cultural diversity and democracy. There are three basic reasons for such optimism:
1. A tradition of mutual respect and tolerance that characterizes relations between
Albanians and Montenegrins;
2. The proven capability of both of these nations to resist temptations to relate to each
other with animosity during the war;
3. The reformist orientation of the current government of Montenegro.

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The existence of nationally exclusive parties in an ethnically heterogeneous state is
understandable and justifiable, but they can turn into a potential threat if they become
closed and if normal democratic communication with their constituents and other political
groups is cut off. Elements of this unhealthy trend can be seen in contemporary Ulcinj.
It is necessary for these parties to reject projects that promote ambitions for greater
nation-states. Such concepts have been seen as reactionary among Ulcinj’s Albanians
themselves.
What deserves attention is the fact that there is an increasing number of Albanians that
understand how wrong this strategy of Albanian parties is. Ulcinj Albanians are increasingly
joining the Democratic Party of Socialists and the Social Democratic Party, which is clear
evidence of their civic-mindedness. With the reduction of political tensions, the traditional
features of Ulcinj’s civic coexistence have returned. These entail work ethics and the
acceptance of peaceful and tolerant civic options in interethnic relations. It is also possible
that nationalist parties, while losing influence, will be forced to reduce their unrealistic
ambitions and exercise political influence with a more democratic content. Albanians need
political organizations that will work for their rights in education, culture and information.
All citizens of Ulcinj need a government that supports the activities of civil society and
provides public services that are in the common interest of the city and its citizens,
regardless of national affiliations. In the process of such a transformation, Albanian parties
need to have a permanent and honest partner in the government of Montenegro, in its
ministries, in the governing coalition and in other units of the political and economic
sphere.

MULTICULTURALISM IN MONTENEGRO AND THE CITY OF ULCINJ 457

The existence of nationally exclusive parties in an ethnically heterogeneous state is
understandable and justifiable, but they can turn into a potential threat if they become
closed and if normal democratic communication with their constituents and other political
groups is cut off. Elements of this unhealthy trend can be seen in contemporary Ulcinj.
It is necessary for these parties to reject projects that promote ambitions for greater
nation-states. Such concepts have been seen as reactionary among Ulcinj’s Albanians
themselves.
What deserves attention is the fact that there is an increasing number of Albanians that
understand how wrong this strategy of Albanian parties is. Ulcinj Albanians are increasingly
joining the Democratic Party of Socialists and the Social Democratic Party, which is clear
evidence of their civic-mindedness. With the reduction of political tensions, the traditional
features of Ulcinj’s civic coexistence have returned. These entail work ethics and the
acceptance of peaceful and tolerant civic options in interethnic relations. It is also possible
that nationalist parties, while losing influence, will be forced to reduce their unrealistic
ambitions and exercise political influence with a more democratic content. Albanians need
political organizations that will work for their rights in education, culture and information.
All citizens of Ulcinj need a government that supports the activities of civil society and
provides public services that are in the common interest of the city and its citizens,
regardless of national affiliations. In the process of such a transformation, Albanian parties
need to have a permanent and honest partner in the government of Montenegro, in its
ministries, in the governing coalition and in other units of the political and economic sphere.

Source: http://lgi.osi.hu/publications/books/mmcpxyu/30.PDF